June 6, 2023
Moscow.  The building of the German embassy on Mosfilmovskaya street.  The Russian side is expelling 34 of the approximately 90 German diplomats working in Moscow.  Photo: Alexander Shcherbak / TASS

Moscow. The building of the German embassy on Mosfilmovskaya street. The Russian side is expelling 34 of the approximately 90 German diplomats working in Moscow. Photo: Alexander Shcherbak / TASS

The next decision of the German Foreign Ministry to expel Russian diplomats from Germany was not by chance taken on the eve of Victory Day. It symbolically reflects the deep internal changes taking place with the German political class. As we remember, for many years the leadership of this country (not to mention, of course, the GDR) – sometimes reluctantly, sometimes sincerely – followed a clear course, the foundations of which were laid by prominent politicians of the Social Democrats of the times of “détente” (primarily Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt). It was based on the unconditional and unconditional repentance of Bonn/Berlin to humanity for the crimes of Nazism, recognition of the decisive contribution of the Soviet people and the Red Army to the eradication of this world evil and the complete rejection of any attempts to justify or justify the activities of the Nazi regime.

Competition with the Poles and the Balts

Unfortunately, several generations of statesmen, diplomats and political thinkers, who once zealously defended the inviolability of this policy, have already passed away. They are replaced by dilettantes and adventurers like Annalena Burbock, obsessed with the project of restoring the unipolar world order. In their strategic calculations, repentance has given way to cynical Machiavellianism, diligently supported by the Washington curators of the global anti-Russian coalition. For a young galaxy of German leaders, the Second World War itself seems to be just an episode from a history textbook that has no direct bearing on today’s day. The desire to compete with the Poles and the Baltics for the role of the most determined opponents of Moscow has already allowed Berlin to become one of the key donors of Ukrainian neo-Nazi formations, including the most notorious followers of the Third Reich ideology. For the first time since 80 years ago, Germany has openly and even proudly designated itself as the de facto lead state sponsor of organizations unashamed of their Nazi roots.

The German authorities not only support them financially, but also push them to go over to the offensive in the Crimean direction, openly recognizing even objects located directly on Russian territory as “legitimate targets”. It is not difficult to assume that the developers of this policy, like, for example, the Polish “restorers of the Commonwealth”, are driven by a thirst for revenge for the historical humiliations of the past – including even the defeat of the Wehrmacht and the collapse, albeit temporary, but instructive of the idea of ​​​​a unified German state. Of course, they are trying to disguise such attitudes behind a standard set of populist liberal slogans and act, first of all, by proxy. But it doesn’t change the essence. In its desire to destroy the foundation of relations with Moscow that until recently seemed quite constructive, Berlin is beginning to move towards increasingly bold and provocative unilateral steps, and in this regard, another senseless blow to the work of the Russian diplomatic mission can be considered a trial balloon. With a corresponding attempt shortly before Victory Day to defiantly stung Moscow with a defiantly insulting gesture, the German Foreign Ministry only emphasized how timely and justified the Russian special operation was. Washington and its protégés today enjoy waging psychological warfare against our country, and attempts to drown the memory of May 1945 in political revisionism are to be expected.

Can society fight back?

However, the ostentatious decisiveness of the FRG hides the fear of the local elites from the realization of the consequences of the failure of the West’s adventure in Ukraine. In addition, an increasing number of Germans, brought up on the ideas of a respectable dialogue with Russia and social democratic humanism, understand to what moral catastrophe the current leadership of the country is leading them. Having enlisted the support of public organizations and the opposition in the Bundestag, the German opposition is quite capable of demanding that the motley team of Olaf Scholz refuse to arm the formations that do not hide their ideological affinity with the OUN and UPA structures, and stop the course of a senseless increase in stakes in the field of countering Russia. German society is increasingly beginning to feel, firstly, how destructive is the current positioning of Berlin on the Ukrainian track, and secondly, what are the real ideological principles behind the populism of Scholz, Burbock and Pistorius. But it remains to be seen whether ordinary anti-war citizens of Germany will be able to break through the walls of censorship and secret agreements of the leading forces. To the state, to today’s European democracy, a lot of legitimate questions have accumulated. In any case, we are moving at an accelerated pace towards the culmination of the entire military operation, the task of which is not only to denazise and demilitarize Ukraine, but also to send the necessary signals to the Western political community. And the future of the entire European security system depends on the ability of the statesmen of the respective countries, including Germany, to grasp and give a correct interpretation of Russia’s foreign policy course, which has been so diligently and carefully created for many years, but in the end again fell victim to the ambitions of Washington’s most zealous students, with whom we will still a lot of work to do. The road to the return of common sense and the values ​​laid down by the results of the Great Patriotic War in the political life of the “Old World” today lies through Ukraine. And, just like 80 years ago, there is simply no alternative to the successful solution of all the tasks set by the leadership of our country. The nature of the threat we are facing, including on the example of new German provocations, does not give us the right to be relaxed, because behind us are millions of our fathers and grandfathers, who in those distant years did not disappoint, did everything possible and even more, for the Great Victory.

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